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This paper explores the way in which photographs operated as exchange objects within the interpretative community of emerging anthropological practice in the second half of the nineteenth century. At the same time, shifts in collecting interests and the scientific value accorded to certain kinds of images emerges as another way of photos disciplinary shifts within anthropology.

Although concentrating on British material, the paper presents an approach also applicable within other national or colonial traditions. Although I am concentrating here on the situation within British anthropology at that date, similar exercises could be undertaken in the context of other national schools in, for instance Germany or France with, one suspects, similar results.

These issues are of more than simply antiquarian interest. As I have discussed elsewhere 2photographs cannot be fully used as evidence without a consideration of their own collections history, the social biography through which they make meanings. They are part of the representational machine by which the construction and circulation of images worked alongside that trade routes of colonialism 3.

The focus on content at the expense of historiographical interrogation of the record has meant a partial invisibility of that record or a blindness to some of the other histories such photographs have to tell. While the details of this are beyond the scope of this particular paper, further studies of collections history in collections of anthropological photographs will, in sexiste fullness of time, reveal the nuances, ambiguities and points of fracture of that particular trajectory.

My focus here is more limited, I shall consider the way in which images were made, collected and exchanged by individual scholars who authored collections of photographs according to their interests and networks. While this later model may work sexiste a discursive meta-level, close consideration shows how it breaks down into smaller, more differentiated and complex acts of anthropological intention in the production, evaluation and flow of images as items of data within anthropological circles.

I shall draw for the most part on examples from three important figures in late nineteenth and early twentieth century British anthropology: E. Tylor, who held the first teaching post in anthropology in a British University when he was appointed at Oxford in as a condition of the Pitt Rivers gift to the University of Oxford; Henry Balfour, first curator of the Pitt Rivers Museum, and Alfred Cort Haddon, curator of the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology and lecturer in anthropology at the University of Cambridge.

While they are far from being alone in such activities, they are nonetheless exemplary in the way that photographs flowed ceaselessly around their networks, making meanings about culture. Although I can only give a few examples in support of my thesis in a short paper, they should be understood to be indicative of broader patterns. In the s and s, this had been concerned with the technical and aesthetic development of the medium amongst early enthusiasts in photography. Indeed photography is now acknowledged as fundamental in the development of the modern discipline of art history 6.

Within this, certain forms of vision emerged as privileged, in that they met several criteria of, for example, production and use, which were established by an emerging pool of authorities within the discipline TUCKER, Photographs closed the space between the site of observation of the colonial periphery and the site of metropolitan interpretation.

The indexical nature of the medium, the inscription through the action of reflected light on sensitised emulsion on glass, film or paper, created immutable mobiles through which information could be transferred in uncorrupted form to another interpretative space LATOUR, Flowing through this vast network, very often unremarked, were photographs.

One must distinguish between them because, although they have since become conflated in the culture of archiving, their histories, while linked and premised identically on the immutable mobile and the promise of virtual witness, have somewhat different foci.

First is the centralised collection and centralised projects of photographic collection focused on the learned and scientific institutions, and secondly the reference collections of individual scholars which have since been deposited in larger institutional archive collections.

Photographs were regularly shown at meetings. A history of this collection is beyond the scope of this paper and in any case has been admirably addressed by Roslyn Poignant Suffice it to say, the shape of that collection today reflects the shifts in anthropological thinking over the years; its inclusions and exclusions define the shifting boundaries of the discipline.

Yet it is an eclectic and inclusive collection against which one can position the shape of the collections of individual anthropologists and the way those collections reflect the extent of their specific interests. Sexiste if a large number of their officers and membership came from photos it, both were photos forums in which sexiste was appropriate for anthropological knowledge to be made and exchanged outside the academy in a reciprocal relationship This is exemplified in the way in which learned papers elicited photographs.

For instance, Balfour actually interleaved off-prints of his articles with written and especially visual responses to his papers from a very wide range of correspondents with anthropological interests. Pye who had heard of the sexiste through a relation in the Colonial Office However, amongst scientists themselves, the exchange of photographs appears to be operate at a more intimate level of social connection than that other scientific exchange ritual which emerged in the nineteenth century, the exchange of off-prints.

The reality effect of photography amassed through the accumulation of images, accentuated the comparative qualities photos accounts, gathered with different ethnographic goals and theoretical assumptions, as isolatable units rather than as active parts of a dynamic social system. The nature of photography itself with its fracture of time and space and the way it contains, still within the frame, accentuates this.

Thus paradoxically, over the range of photographic practices in which images were produced, single images could work against the differentiating assessments of evidential value which I have outlined Much of the evidence is in the dissemination patterns of images themselves and in museum documentation of these images although because of the status of photograph collections within anthropological institutions, this is uneven in coverage and photos in its density.

There is a little substantiating material in manuscript collections; there is also a certain amount of evidence in the acknowledgement in the published record, but this does not necessarily reveal the precise status of photographs within the implied relationship.

The piecing together of small fragments of evidence nonetheless has a massing effect and gives an impression of the level and range of activity in photographic exchange. Some examples from the vast array of possibilities will serve as representative samples:.

Gowland photos E. Tylor, 14th April A friend of mine has undertaken to procure photographs of groups of wooden figures in the temple at Canton representing the tortures of the Buddhist hades and I hope to receive them some time Tylor, 12th November I send you a copy [of a photograph of wampum belts].

It is the last I possess, and I must request you be kindly prepared to return it if I should write for it. Otherwise please keep it with the other documents I send. Elworthy [Folklorist] to A. Haddon, 21st October If you care for them I can send you the original photos. From which these prints were done, as I do not want them any more You kindly said you could send me photos or slides of corn maidens from Cambridge By the last mail I sent a few photos.

To sexiste some idea of what the ceremonies are like which are described in Nature of June 10 Haddon, 12th November I brought back a certain number of photographs [from New Guinea] as they may be agreeable to you I forward some of them. Be so kind as to accept them in remembrance of one who was delighted with your so learned conversation in New Guinea He had given lectures on photography and folklore 23was a keen photographer and active in the exchange of images.

There is a particularly interesting correspondence with Otto Finsch on the subject of Melanesian photographs for it indicates not only the exchange of photographs in developing an ethnographic baseline for a region, photos also the declining evidential value of certain forms of anthropological sexiste in the late nineteenth century.

I send you a rough list which of course only shows the location. But I can give to each Photo a full description on all particulars and these informations [sic] balance the imperfections of many plates. As a whole the collection, never published, reference a lot of interesting types and would be very valuable to the knowledge of Races of men, and for Anthropological and Ethnological Science in general. But according to my experience Science does care very little on such material and its scientific value and so it becomes a useless thing and a source of constant harm to the poor creator regarding to the many costs, not to mention the amount of time and trouble First, the idea that photographs were integral to other forms of anthropological data and that data emerges from a balanced confluence of different representational forms; here, caption and image.

I shall return to this issue of shifting truth values in the relationship between photography and anthropology at the end of this paper. Whatever the eventual outcome, one can, I think, safely argue that Finsch photographs entered the general visual discourse through which Haddon was beginning to think through his cultural region of New Guinea in the mids. Further, Haddon was using some Finsch portraits for photo-elicitation in the northern Torres Strait in There is a rough sketch in some fragmentary fieldnotes which is a sketch of three Finsch photographs annotated with names and relationships and noting those who had died since the photograph was taken Collection, in effect, constituted observation by the virtual.

However, as I have already suggested, there was not necessarily a naive acceptance or objectivity attached to photographs in that meaningful representations in late nineteenth century anthropological science did not happen automatically but were made through group massing of certain forms of images which flowed through the exchange networks Balfour sexiste anxious to get a set of photographs:.

It was very kind of Horn to promise you Anthrop. However we can let you have some much better ones I wrote to Gillen some time ago asking him if he could very kindly let me have photographs of his natives especially such that deal with arts, customs etc. I find are so important an adjust to a Museum that I try to beg all I can for as series I am making for the Museum.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, given the analogical nature of the medium and the detailed surface mapping of the photograph, material culture was the field where photographic exchange was most active and longest lived.

Photographic material of all sorts was gathered into a given research project. This was certainly so amongst scientists within anthropology itself. Photographs were displayed, swapped, collected, made for collectors locally and were active participants in the making of meanings around material culture and culture.

Photography was part of the description and delineation of areas, and anthropological analysis practised on such photographs fed back into the making of meaning in sexiste mutually sustaining relationship Each was presented with a duplicate set of around 80 images and accompanying objects, mainly pottery from the Pueblo peoples of the US Southwest and some Plains material. Likewise, Haddon differentiates between material culture collected for his own collection and that for the Museum in Cambridge.

However, because photographs were reproducible forms, perceived as pieces of information, the tensions were resolved through copying and exchange. Indeed, the vast number of copy negatives of photographs dating from the early part of the century in the collections of the Pitt Rivers Museum would point to this.

Tylor was clearly trying to read detailed data off photographs of Iroquois wampum belts sent to him by Horatio Hale inin order to consider meanings in his Anthropological Institute paper on the subject I see you say that you have failed to find these oblique lines on pictures of other belts.

When I had the photograph which I think you have of the six high-chiefs who explained their wampum records to me, I had at the same time a photograph made of the belts. It is not very clear, but sufficiently so for this purpose Within this series, field photographs, museum object photographs and even press cuttings are given an equivalence of value. Tracings were made, photographs cut in half, backgrounds standardized with blank-out pen.

Photographs were also written on, coloured, and over-painted. Clearly this was more than merely looking at photographs. The photographs obtained by collection and exchange became active, physical tools in making, literally constructing, anthropological meaning through material intervention with the surface.

The ample footnotes in Decorative Art testify to the long-standing of this method which is not dissimilar to that of photos historians of the Renaissance at the same date. I have dwelt on this example, which is mirrored in other series, such as that on stone clubs, because the function of the photographs is made visible through the marks to its surface, front and back.

They do not depict anything in terms of content as such, but add to the image as a functional object For example, C. Seligmann, when in British New Guinea in photos, stayed with A. English, Government agent of Rigo district, who gave him photographs for data Seligmann was collecting on dubu platforms. During the same expedition, Haddon worked on the extensive collection of stone clubs belonging to David Ballantine, the Customs Officer in Port Moresby.

Yet it is an eclectic and inclusive collection against which one can position the shape of the collections of individual anthropologists and the way those collections reflect the extent of their specific interests. Even if a large number of their officers and membership came from within it, both were still forums in which it was appropriate for anthropological knowledge to be made and exchanged outside the academy in a reciprocal relationship This is exemplified in the way in which learned papers elicited photographs.

For instance, Balfour actually interleaved off-prints of his articles with written and especially visual responses to his papers from a very wide range of correspondents with anthropological interests.

Pye who had heard of the project through a relation in the Colonial Office However, amongst scientists themselves, the exchange of photographs appears to be operate at a more intimate level of social connection than that other scientific exchange ritual which emerged in the nineteenth century, the exchange of off-prints. The reality effect of photography amassed through the accumulation of images, accentuated the comparative qualities of accounts, gathered with different ethnographic goals and theoretical assumptions, as isolatable units rather than as active parts of a dynamic social system.

The nature of photography itself with its fracture of time and space and the way it contains, still within the frame, accentuates this. Thus paradoxically, over the range of photographic practices in which images were produced, single images could work against the differentiating assessments of evidential value which I have outlined Much of the evidence is in the dissemination patterns of images themselves and in museum documentation of these images although because of the status of photograph collections within anthropological institutions, this is uneven in coverage and various in its density.

There is a little substantiating material in manuscript collections; there is also a certain amount of evidence in the acknowledgement in the published record, but this does not necessarily reveal the precise status of photographs within the implied relationship.

The piecing together of small fragments of evidence nonetheless has a massing effect and gives an impression of the level and range of activity in photographic exchange. Some examples from the vast array of possibilities will serve as representative samples:. Gowland to E. Tylor, 14th April A friend of mine has undertaken to procure photographs of groups of wooden figures in the temple at Canton representing the tortures of the Buddhist hades and I hope to receive them some time Tylor, 12th November I send you a copy [of a photograph of wampum belts].

It is the last I possess, and I must request you be kindly prepared to return it if I should write for it. Otherwise please keep it with the other documents I send. Elworthy [Folklorist] to A. Haddon, 21st October If you care for them I can send you the original photos. From which these prints were done, as I do not want them any more You kindly said you could send me photos or slides of corn maidens from Cambridge By the last mail I sent a few photos. To give some idea of what the ceremonies are like which are described in Nature of June 10 Haddon, 12th November I brought back a certain number of photographs [from New Guinea] as they may be agreeable to you I forward some of them.

Be so kind as to accept them in remembrance of one who was delighted with your so learned conversation in New Guinea He had given lectures on photography and folklore 23 , was a keen photographer and active in the exchange of images.

There is a particularly interesting correspondence with Otto Finsch on the subject of Melanesian photographs for it indicates not only the exchange of photographs in developing an ethnographic baseline for a region, but also the declining evidential value of certain forms of anthropological photography in the late nineteenth century. I send you a rough list which of course only shows the location. But I can give to each Photo a full description on all particulars and these informations [sic] balance the imperfections of many plates.

As a whole the collection, never published, reference a lot of interesting types and would be very valuable to the knowledge of Races of men, and for Anthropological and Ethnological Science in general. But according to my experience Science does care very little on such material and its scientific value and so it becomes a useless thing and a source of constant harm to the poor creator regarding to the many costs, not to mention the amount of time and trouble First, the idea that photographs were integral to other forms of anthropological data and that data emerges from a balanced confluence of different representational forms; here, caption and image.

I shall return to this issue of shifting truth values in the relationship between photography and anthropology at the end of this paper. Whatever the eventual outcome, one can, I think, safely argue that Finsch photographs entered the general visual discourse through which Haddon was beginning to think through his cultural region of New Guinea in the mids.

Further, Haddon was using some Finsch portraits for photo-elicitation in the northern Torres Strait in There is a rough sketch in some fragmentary fieldnotes which is a sketch of three Finsch photographs annotated with names and relationships and noting those who had died since the photograph was taken Collection, in effect, constituted observation by the virtual. However, as I have already suggested, there was not necessarily a naive acceptance or objectivity attached to photographs in that meaningful representations in late nineteenth century anthropological science did not happen automatically but were made through group massing of certain forms of images which flowed through the exchange networks Balfour is anxious to get a set of photographs:.

It was very kind of Horn to promise you Anthrop. However we can let you have some much better ones I wrote to Gillen some time ago asking him if he could very kindly let me have photographs of his natives especially such that deal with arts, customs etc. I find are so important an adjust to a Museum that I try to beg all I can for as series I am making for the Museum. Perhaps unsurprisingly, given the analogical nature of the medium and the detailed surface mapping of the photograph, material culture was the field where photographic exchange was most active and longest lived.

Photographic material of all sorts was gathered into a given research project. This was certainly so amongst scientists within anthropology itself.

Photographs were displayed, swapped, collected, made for collectors locally and were active participants in the making of meanings around material culture and culture. Photography was part of the description and delineation of areas, and anthropological analysis practised on such photographs fed back into the making of meaning in a mutually sustaining relationship Each was presented with a duplicate set of around 80 images and accompanying objects, mainly pottery from the Pueblo peoples of the US Southwest and some Plains material.

Likewise, Haddon differentiates between material culture collected for his own collection and that for the Museum in Cambridge. However, because photographs were reproducible forms, perceived as pieces of information, the tensions were resolved through copying and exchange.

Indeed, the vast number of copy negatives of photographs dating from the early part of the century in the collections of the Pitt Rivers Museum would point to this. Tylor was clearly trying to read detailed data off photographs of Iroquois wampum belts sent to him by Horatio Hale in , in order to consider meanings in his Anthropological Institute paper on the subject I see you say that you have failed to find these oblique lines on pictures of other belts.

When I had the photograph which I think you have of the six high-chiefs who explained their wampum records to me, I had at the same time a photograph made of the belts.

It is not very clear, but sufficiently so for this purpose Within this series, field photographs, museum object photographs and even press cuttings are given an equivalence of value. Tracings were made, photographs cut in half, backgrounds standardized with blank-out pen. Photographs were also written on, coloured, and over-painted. Clearly this was more than merely looking at photographs.

The photographs obtained by collection and exchange became active, physical tools in making, literally constructing, anthropological meaning through material intervention with the surface. The ample footnotes in Decorative Art testify to the long-standing of this method which is not dissimilar to that of art historians of the Renaissance at the same date.

I have dwelt on this example, which is mirrored in other series, such as that on stone clubs, because the function of the photographs is made visible through the marks to its surface, front and back. They do not depict anything in terms of content as such, but add to the image as a functional object For example, C. Seligmann, when in British New Guinea in , stayed with A.

English, Government agent of Rigo district, who gave him photographs for data Seligmann was collecting on dubu platforms. During the same expedition, Haddon worked on the extensive collection of stone clubs belonging to David Ballantine, the Customs Officer in Port Moresby. Ballantine arranged to have stone clubs photographed for Haddon as part of the project.

The contents were arranged by type against a light backdrop in order to project the taxonomic information visually. This relationship might be seen as an exchange relationship in that photographs are integral to the exchange and dissemination of ethnographic data. For instance, Haddon sent Henry Balfour, of the Pitt Rivers Museum, a full set of the pottery making series apparently relatively soon after the return of the Expedition.

They represented believable statements within a certain paradigm. This mirrors, visually, the process of ethnographic production where multiple happenings are conflated to make a generalised statement of cultural behaviour.

Again, it is often difficult to track this kind of exchange for it is seldom written about, and even then it is often little more than a chance remark.

What I am arguing is that the collecting of images and their trade routes are integral to the making of meaning of collections of material culture at this date; they not only documented in a primary sense, but reproduced those visual registers through which objects were understood.

Even though the critical evaluation of material in the British context excluded much travel photography, the dominance of analogical value of subject matter over photographic style allowed a slippage between both contexts of production and photographic aesthetics. It would seem that anthropologists had a knowledge of commercial photographers working in the ethnographic genre.

For example, many anthropologists with an interest in Melanesia had photographs by the missionary W. This was, of course, an historically specific evaluation which was linked to what was available. Perhaps the most widely disseminated example of work of this category is that of Rev. We are fortunate that copies of these lists survive in the collections of both Tylor and Haddon.

Their interest was in the appearance of pristine culture. Further, they can be related directly to his collecting interests in British New Guinea in that they illustrate the characteristics of both physical and material culture that he used to define his anthropogeography of the region As we have seen, Haddon actively engaged with this image in his work on Papuan Gulf shields.

Lawes, of Port Moresby, has taken a large number of most excellent photographs illustrating Papuan ethnology, and he has generously deposited the negatives with Mr. King, Georgestreet [sic], Sydney N. Wales, in order that anthropologists might have the opportunity of purchasing authentic photographs. Nobody has said a word to me, as I furtively steal their power while carefully keeping my face in neutral. The shop is busy with teenagers upgrading their iPhones and aggressively friendly staff, and the only still points are me and a man wearing three coats and broken flip-flops playing Candy Crush on an iPad.

It is a quite lovely feeling to be, if not invisible, then at least translucent. This has its advantages, though. I have been wallowing in this idea. I can travel around peacefully, eat by myself, stand for as long as I want in front of a painting — and be ignored.

The body of a year-old woman is extraordinary. Because why should anybody attempt to change his mind? Until you are invisible to men like this, your body is theirs. You only get it back when they no longer find you sexy — and that is a relief like no other.

A version of this can be seen in the New York press in its nutty attempts to shame congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , a confused scrabbling for conflict that exposes the single way it is possible to be a woman in public. Up to 25, you are looked at — after that, you must not be too loud or too quiet, or smile too much or too little, or be too thin or too fat, or be good at dancing or be bad at dancing.

I look at my body differently now that it is no longer being looked at.